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SINISTRA ITALIANA: MA QUALE SINISTRA? ( II parte)

In tutto ciò come si colloca la sinistra radicale? Per come la vedo io, la sinistra radicale galleggia perennemente tra due quesiti: quesito di coerenza e quesito di sopravvivenza. Il primo quesito è quello che più porta un partito comunista di oggi ad essere più simile ad un partito comunista di ieri. Il secondo quesito, invece, risponde all’esigenza di entrare nel governo, di far sentire la propria voce, di aderire a quella sinistra riformista antiberlusconiana e niente più.

Prendendo lo spunto da Rifondazione Comunista, notiamo come questo partito si sia trascinato ad un discreto livello di consensi per un ventennio about. Rifondazione always has some 'adopted a compromise between the line of consistency and that of survival for consistency, especially at first, members were those who were there at the turn of Bolognina, and adopted such a policy really programmatic alternative. Survival, however, because he always sought dialogue with the forces of the center-left. The highest point of consistency when Bertinotti was obviously brought down the Prodi government. Since then, more and more branded as the party of no, the members of the PRC underwent a split which was formed by the PDCI. And despite the substantial cleavage PRC responded well, because the electorate had understood and appreciated the consistency of that party: a party that is not to compromise in exchange for power. And this was perhaps the need and the demand left by the electorate. A completely different choice taken by the said, in essence, leadership in the last Prodi government. Concrete example: after an entire campaign based on the rejection of war and rising sign for reset. This loss of coherence, which marks the highest point of the struggle for survival, was not only counterproductive and did not save then the Prodi government, an experience bound to founder, but has even led to the disaster of the 'Rainbow.

In summary, the possible conclusions: I think absolutely out of the Democratic Party from any talk of political revival of the Left, especially if he can not break free from the specter of Berlusconi and the will to want to break down at all costs rather than build a new policy. This would be a democratic and centrist electoral cartel, which has the ambition to be nominally different from those who now rules this country. There is a clear tendency to prefer dialogue with the centrist forces, stronger, rather than radical ones.

PRC - and more generally the radical left - has substantially sin of wanting to shut down its ideology beautiful and immaculate, but this time quite close to the country's problems. At the same time ha oscillato repentinamente al polo opposto tradendo gli elettori che rappresentava. Sembra tuttavia che stia cercando un dialogo con tutte le forze della sinistra per creare una vera sinistra d’alternativa che sia forte, che metta al centro questioni come il precariato, le mafie e la distruzione ambientale. Ha proposto valide soluzioni al problema della crisi. Sostanzialmente è un partito che naviga ancora tra coerenza e sopravvivenza. Il mio suggerimento è quello di non perdere la coerenza ideologica, che come una bussola deve indicare sempre la strada e l’esercizio della virtù politica ai dirigenti; ma al tempo stesso deve snellirsi in una soluzione politica che possa anche superare il comunismo come ideale, come simbolo, come nome, al fine di creating what I believe to be the future Italian left, a kind of Die Linke Italian, and then a party that, trusting in a revival of the proportional electoral system, may increasingly look to reasons of political convenience or survival but can increase the consistency with the choices of voters, with the choices of workers, with the choices of the popular class of which he is spokesman and who wants to represent.

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Sinista Italian: but what next?
There is much talk today of a crisis of the left, a left unable to govern, of a left that fails to deal with Berlusconi. But what about the left? The problem

is that we should really answer this question, with an essay on the history of Italian politics of the past 20 years. I will try to highlight some key points, according to what is my point of view, namely the perspective of a man of "left", who believes that the left can govern, who wants the left is the alternative.

The real underlying problem of the left since the fall of communism is now represented by only one politician: Berlusconi. Yes, I'm not crazy, I know that Berlusconi has even the right heart, and my statement is neither a mistake nor a provocation. Berlusconi is a businessman rather than a politician. He does not propose solutions to the country: he sells dreams to the Italians. Can we really compare him to a god ground, which attracts the bleating masses of TV viewers. Yes, because if Jesus spoke to us through the Gospel, Berlusconi has a huge fleet of battleships television, newspaper carrier, galleys of publishing houses, through which the proposal is not obsessive propaganda of its policy, but the cult of his person . Through this procedure, the man in question is breached in families, in society, regional policy. Now, the post-Communist left, in an attempt to "compete" with such a character, it is essentially divided in two: on the one hand, the Communists, red hammer and sickle proud, faithful Communist ideology, who consider themselves ready to intervene and take to the streets and thus constitute part of the lively and maximalist left. On the other hand, we left a bureaucratic, institutional reform, which attempts, with moderate and programs through reform, to create a strong consensus other than Berlusconi, who relies on political action rather than to a charismatic figure man.

The problem with this type of leftist "Democratic", and here the Democratic understood using models of Western capitalist forces, is that, in general comes of Berlusconi, Berlusconi meaning as the set of all those factors mentioned above, tends to concentrate its political program in the synthesis of a single person program, which in recent times can be identified in Prodi, D'Alema, Veltroni and away saying. As these figures have neither the power nor the charisma of Silvio Berlusconi, to obtain the "numbers" needed to govern, must enter into agreements with a number of alliances with men of the "left", and this time the word left is to be understood as all that is left of Berlusconi, creating a veritable jumble of people and especially of conflicting ideologies.

Eccolo a mio a viso il nocciolo della questione: il Pd, che nasce da tutte queste premesse, è un partito che ancora oggi, sulla scia della prima linea veltroniana, non chiarisce quali siano i suoi elettori: sono gli ex-comunisti, o gli ex-democristiani? Esempi di spaccatura ce ne sono tanti, ma il più evidente mi sembra quello a proposito del “caso Englaro”. In un partito di sinistra, che vuole essere laico e riformista, non si possono accettare figure politiche come quella della Binetti, numeraria dell’Opus Dei. In ogni caso, il Pd, quindi, figlio anch’esso del berlusconismo, anziché invertire la rotta, per le prossime elezioni non fa altro che confermarci quanto ipotizzato sopra: lo spostamento a centro, converging to the UDC, is now complete. It is now a party of ex-Communists who were converted. This is why, in my view, can not now represent the alternative: in the majority system, which does nothing but emphasize that bipolar so called from PDL and PD, using repeatedly to that of intellectual blackmail "useful vote", this party has very little "democratic", but also has very little left. It seems rather that the only alternative that really wants to propose, is the change of guard at the head of Berlusconi's power: the same stuff, but interpreters.

To Be Continued ...